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Wednesday, April 07, 2010
Why should it be controversial to oppose war crimes by American forces?The simple answer, of course, is that war brings out basic us-vs.-them feelings. But then Our Side also has laws of war and rules of engagement (ROE). Why shouldn't violating those be seen as a bad thing as well as a crime?What brings this question up is two incidents of American forces killing civilians in what at best was a questionable action in one case and involved what sure looks like straight-up murder in another. The latter case is described in U.S. admits killing Afghan women in botched February raid by Kevin Baron and Dianna Cahn Stars and Stripes 04/06/10. As of this report, the Pentagon is still admitting only that the killing were done by "international forces", or ISAF (International Security Assistance Force; also known as "I Saw Americans Fighting"). ABC News in NATO to Look Again Into Deaths of Afghan Civilians by Luis Martinez, Aleem Agha and Nick Schifrin 04/05/10 reports: On Feb. 12, U.S. Special Operations Forces and Afghan troops raided a compound in Gardez, in eastern Afghanistan, that resulted in the deaths of two armed Afghan men. NATO said its forces had also discovered the bodies of three women in the compound who were said to have been bound and gagged. When ABC News actually talked to the family members on the scene, they got a very different story than even the Pentagon's current ones about the extent to which American forces tried to cover up evidence on the scene. One big reason incidents like this need to be conscientiously investigated rather than covered is to make sure the actual facts around such incidents are investigated and thoroughly vetted whenever possible. Because even our generals themselves are saying explicitly that the number of civilian casualties is hurting the NATO forces' ability to achieve our war aims by increasing sympathy for the rebels and thereby endangering American soldiers. See Gen. McChrystal: We've Shot 'An Amazing Number Of People' Who Were Not Threats TPM Muckraker 04/02/10. Gleen Greenwald discusses this incident and our press corps' sloppy initial handling of it in How Americans are propagandized about Afghanistan Salon 04/05/10. The Wikileaks site this week published a video taken by the US military of an incident in Iraq where journalists and civilians were shot by US forces with no clear military justification (Collateral Murder 04/05/10): WikiLeaks has released a classified US military video depicting the indiscriminate slaying of over a dozen people in the Iraqi suburb of New Baghdad -- including two Reuters news staff.Wikileaks reports that they "obtained this video as well as supporting documents from a number of military whistleblowers." But the Pentagon is saying that, gosh darn it, they just can't locate their own original copy! This is how the Pentagon built its own "credibility gap" in the Vietnam War, and how its invented its own whole new credibility gap over the last 10 years. I want to be stress that it's by no means certain that the soldiers in the Iraq incident broke the laws of war or their rules of engagement. Pat Lang in "War is Cruelty" - WT Sherman Sic Semper Tyrannis 04/07/10 explains why that is so; he's mostly discussing the incident itself, not the current reporting or the Pentagon's handling of the public controversy. He does address the latter in his concluding paragraphs, in which he also makes it clear that such consequences of war should be taken very seriously and not dismissed as meaningless "collateral damage": Cover Up? No. A local inquiry would undoubtedly decide that this was an accident, stupid, but an accident. Since this would not be legally actionable, that would be the end of it. The Army does not think it has an obligation to inform the public when its people "screw up."Lang's view would imply that the headline on the Wikileaks article, "Collateral Murder", is misleading, since "murder" implies an illegal killing. A killing can be horrible, even unnecessary and wrong and avoidable without necessarily specifically violating the law in such a situation. But the American public needs to know how a war like this looks. There will always be a certain number of people who will cheer mindlessly for war and killing and treat it like nothing more serious than a football game. But it's not a healthy tendency and it reinforces the dangerous adventurism that has caused so many problems for US foreign policy in the post-Second World War era. We the public need to know about the real war, not the one the Pentagon press offices want to believe is going on. I've blogged a lot about a disturbing trend in Pentagon thinking in which American public opinion is seen as a legitimate target of military information management, even the most important aspect of fighting a war. The result in practice has been to reinforce the same tendencies of secrecy, concealment and cover-up that wrecked their public credibility in the Vietnam War. I don't know if there's any good comparison of the relative extent of the credibility damage in the Vietnam era compared to the last decade. It's masked in part by the collapse in the quality of mainstream media reporting, which today is far, far more compliant with military manipulation than during the Vietnam War. Not that they were the aggressive critics the stab-in-the-back partisans of the history of the Vietnam War would have us believe. But the currently-played documentary about the Pentagon Papers case during the Vietnam War, The Most Dangerous Man in America: Daniel Ellsberg and the Pentagon Papers (2009), gives an illustration of different it was when major news organizations were willing to practice actual journalism on their own in relation to an ongoing war. And, oh yeah, Congress could investigate this stuff two. I mean, if they took a notion to behave like an independent Branch of government or something. Other coverage and commentary on the Iraq incident include: John Nichols, Video of U.S. Attack That Killed Journalists Demands Inquiry The Nation 04/05/10 Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), Video shows U.S. attack that killed Reuters staffers in Iraq 04/05/10 Marcy Wheeler, Is DOD "Losing" Videos of Its Special Ops Missions? Emptywheel 04/07/10 and “Well, it’s their fault for bringing their kids into a battle.” Emptywheel 04/0510 Ali Gharib, Weekly Standard: Apologia for Killing Journalists LobeLog Foreign Policy 04/06/10 Amazingly, some professional "liberals" postured as taking umbrage at criticism of these incidents. Oliver Willis posted Our Troops Are The Good Guys, Some “Liberals” Hate That 04/06/10. He singled out Greenwald in particular: The second group without a clue are liberals who buy into the caricature of America’s soldiers as bloodthirsty savages who kill for the heck of it. Glenn Greenwald is in this camp. Greenwald insists that things like killing of Iraqi civilians in the Wikileaks video and Abu Ghraib are just standard operating procedure for American soldiers, and not aberrations from the norm. ...This a downright sleazy characterization of what Greenwald says in the post to which Willis links. Willis may be positioning himself for an, "I used to be a Democrat, but..." conversion experience. If criticizing possible (or in the case of the Afghanistan incident, almost certain) violations of the laws of war and the US rules of engagement is tantamount to "the caricature of America’s soldiers as bloodthirsty savages who kill for the heck of it" - and that is the plain meaning of Willis' post - what is that actually saying? At best, it's saying that citizens should never ever criticize American soldiers who violate the laws of war and the US rules of engagement. And if criticizing or even pointing out such instances puts someone in the position of "the vast majority of our men and women in the U.S. military are good people who do the right thing" - again the plain meaning of his post - doesn't that assume on the face of it the "the vast majority of our men and women in the U.S. military are" something other than "good people who do the right thing"? Because if Willis actually thinks that "the vast majority of our men and women in the U.S. military are good people who do the right thing", how in the world would someone committing war crimes that violate the honor of the military and endanger the lives of other American troops and kill people unnecessarily possibly be an insult to any other servicepeople? As far as I'm concerned, all Willis is doing in that post in that post is defending the murder of civilians. A quick comparison of Pat Lang's post with Oliver Willis makes that pretty painfully apparent. It's the Iraq incident that Willis specifically references; notice how Lang can look at the facts as judge that the soldiers may have acted within the law and even correctly from their viewpoint, and still understand that the incident is problematic. And even that the particular circumstances of that war produce what Robert Jay Lifton calls atrocity-producing situations. Oddly, I saw a reference somewhere to Matthew Yglesias taking a similar position Willis on this. But Yglesias' post Massacre and Coverup in Iraq 04/06/10 seems if anything to quick to assume that the soldiers in the Iraq incident weren't conforming to the ROE; it doesn't have any of the nonsense about how criticizing this incident is making out all our soldiers to be "bloodthirsty savages who kill for the heck of it". But it's true that there are more paying opportunities for writers in the conservative wingnut-welfare shops than on the liberal side. So, good luck to Oliver Willis with his applications. Tags: afghanistan war, iraq war, war crimes
Tuesday, April 06, 2010
Racism, political violence and false equivalencies (5)A third issue on which Bob "the Daily Howler" Somerby and Digby had an exchange this past week has to do with a particular supporter of the Tea Party movement, Pam Stout from Idaho. Stout was featured a couple of months ago in a news article in March, Tea Party Lights Fuse for Rebellion on Right by David Barstow New York Times 02/15/10. George Packer referred to her in a blog post of 02/23/10, American Progress New Yorker. Packer's piece, in turn, sent the Howler into high dudgeon against him in Narrative and Condescension! Why does Pam Stout reject sound ideas? Our highest Lord Packer explains Daily Howler 03/04/10. This excerpt from Somerby's polemic gives a good flavor of it:How does Pam Stout see the world? What do others around her think? We’d be curious to see her interviewed. But within the aeries of High Manhattan, a high noble lord had a different reaction to Barstow’s report in the Times. At the New Yorker, his highness, the noblest Lord of Packer, condescended to ponder the mind of the hapless commoner Stout. In this passage, our highest lord shows how his noble kind has undermined progressive movements for lo, these many years...Well, later the Howler got his wish. As he notes in the 03/31/10 Howler, David Letterman interviewed stout on his show last week. Here's Somerby's reaction: Go ahead—take a look at that tape. If you prefer (and many will), you’ll be able to find some ways to insist that Stout is a snarling racist. (Though you’ll have to struggle a bit.) If you’re alternately disposed, you may notice that Stout could play the title role if some producer ever decides to cast Santa Claus as a woman. For our part, we aren’t inclined to agree with Stout’s views — at least, with the emphases she places. And the interview only ran nine minutes. And, of course, it only involved one member of a large movement.That is actually the lead-in to Somerby's ill-conceived argument why Digby was like Newt Gingrich in a particular comparison. Digby takes up Letterman's interview of Pam Stout in Radical Auntie 04/01/10. She doesn't specify that it's a response to Somerby's Digby-Gingrich comparison. But it also functions effectively in that role. Digby provides the video and extensive quotes from Pam Stout's softball interview with Letterman. Here is Digby's evaluation: She was the best tea party representative I've ever seen --- a perfect face for the angry Bircher club to which she also belongs, the Friends of Liberty[.]Based on Barstow's article and especially on the interview with Letterman, Digby's comments seem like a fair conclusion. Her reference to Ruby Ridge and the Aryan Nations isn't meant to be compliementary. But it's a reasonable way of pointing out the implications of someone who thinks Glenn Beck's far-right conspiracy theories and his eliminationist rhetoric against Democrats and "progressives" are mildly thought-provoking and perfectly sensible. But based on the way Stout presents herself, the words she herself uses to describe her politics, I would certainly assume she's a hardline rightwinger in her politics. You can see Somerby's response to Digby's comments on Pam Stout in his 04/02/10 Daily Howler post. Somerby points out that, well, gee, lots of people find Glenn Beck thought-provoking. And he thinks she might have an interesting story of how she got to be a hardline rightwinger. In fact, he avoids addressing the obvious: the woman is clearly a hardline rightwinger. How in the world can it be condescending or otherwise inappropriate to point that out when we're talking about her at all only because of her own political activities and looking at the way she describes herself? I would make a general observation that applies to Pam Stout, as well as many others. Books and articles that analyze the rank-and-file of any political movement typically labor under the disability that the are unlikely to have the time or resources to do detailed investigations of their subjects. For instance, Chris Hedges in his very unfortunately-titled investigation of the Christian Right in the US, American Fascists: The Christian Right and the War On America (2007), has some of the best case studies I've seen anywhere of various adherents of the religious-political trend he's studying, based on in-depth interviews with his subjects. But even with those, I found myself wondering to what extent he actually independently verified some of their claims about their own past. This is a particular challenge when studying groups that have big social incentive to fudge their own attitudes in public. The Michigan Militia has been falling all over themselves to distance their group from the Christian terrorist wannabe Hutaree Militia. There's a fairly obvious incentive in that they don't want the FBI thinking they are connected with people formally charged with conspiring to assassinate cops. Christian Right groups for a long time have advised their supporters campaigning for local offices to downplay their Christian Right ties and ideologies in those races. And the Tea Party movement is presenting itself as a movement of newly-politicized citizens suddenly concerned about the direction of the country. (Under our Kenyan-Marxist-Islamic President!) If you are, say, talking to the New York Times or going on national television as a representative of that movement, that self-presentation of the movement creates an incentive to fudge any previous political activity in which you've been engaged. That doesn't mean I think Pam Stout is lying. It does mean that I wonder why Bob Somerby seems so mightily impressed with her description of her own past if it hasn't really been vetted by the press. Particularly given her present, self-confident, seemingly savvy presentation of her hard right political ideology. Tags: radical right, republican party
Monday, April 05, 2010
Racism, political violence and false equivalencies (4)A second issue on which Bob "the Daily Howler" Somerby and Digby had an exchange this past week was this post of Digby's, Mean Country Hullabaloo 03/30/10. In it, Digby refers to this story, Prosecutor: 9 teens charged in bullying that led to girl's suicide CNN.com 03/30/10. Somerby takes it up in his 03/31/10 Howler. Digby mused in connection with this story:It appears this little girl was mentally tortured to death.Now, I would say Digby overreached the evidence of which I'm aware on this particular case. Because to make even an indirect connection between the antics and rhetoric from political extremists and this particular event, we would need to know specifically how much of it the defendants had been exposed to and what their parents' expressed attitudes toward it had been. And, after all, school bullying didn't start in the last couple of years. The sources of violence are complicated and much disputed. One of the concerns has to do with what I still think of as the "Twinkie defense" used by Dan White, the radical conservative San Francisco politician who murdered Harvey Milk and George Moscone in 1978. He argued that he had been driven partly insane by the general trashiness of pop culture, including advertisements for the Twinkies snack. Then-Governor Jerry Brown and the state legislature moved to tighten the terms for an insanity defense after it proved partially successful in White's case. Which gets me back to something I said in the first installment of this series of posts. It may be difficult at times to distinguish whether a particular factor contributed to a particular instance of violence. But difficult doesn't mean impossible. And recognizing that there are meaningful sociological factors in violence doesn't mean that we don't hold those who actually commit violence fully responsible for what they do. There are also degress of responsibility: responsibility under the criminal law is more rigorously defined than in civil law, which is more rigorously defined than moral or ethical responsibility. No high school teacher could be held responsibile in any of those ways if he lead a class discussion about the right to revolution in the American Declaration of Independence and one of his students kills someone a couple of weeks later. At the other extreme, if the teacher gives the student a gun and helps him plan the murder, the teacher would be held fully responsible for the murder along with the student. And note what Digby's post does and doesn't say. Close reading of this kind is something that following Somerby's column for years has reinforced in me. Digby presents her comments as speculation. It's fair to say that she is suggesting that radical-right rhetoric may contribute to crimes like the one describing in the news article. And she does specify the specific kinds of interpersonal transactions that could communicate callous attitudes toward violence from adults to children. Somerby departs from his close reading habits in this case, though, to ask, "are we all Newt Gingrich now?" The reference is to the Congressional campaign of 1994, 20 years ago. A woman named Susan Smith in South Carolina had just confessed to deliberately killing her two children, after claiming initially it was an accident. You can read the long excerpt from a contemporary AP report Somerby quotes there. But here is the part quoting Gingrich's statement: During an interview with The Associated Press on Saturday, Gingrich was asked how the campaign was going in the final week.Somerby compares Digby's comment to that incident with Newt Gingrich. Somerby uses it to illustrate a point that he's been making - usually on more solid grounds - for years. Which is that liberal commentators, reporters and analysts can be just as sloppy and unfair as conservative ones. But he's way off-base with his Digby/Gingrich comparison. For one thing, Newt Gingrich at that time was the House Minority leader and was leading a high-profile national campaign to elect Republicans to Congress and defeat Democrats. He was quite successful in the overall effort, which is commemorated in the phrase "Gingrich Revolution" to refer to that result and its aftermath. Digby, on the other hand, is a liberal and partisan but independent political analyst, blogger and sometimes writer for Salon. And Gingrich was clearly smearing the entire Democratic Party with that comment, which is very evident from the AP quote Somerby uses. It was an instance of a favorite Republican rhetorical device known as "you're one, what am I". In this case, he tossed out this obnoxious charge, then mealy-mouthed about what he actually meant about it, as Somerby's AP quote shows. So he gets to make the charge, the Democrats respond to it, the pundits chatter about it which keeps it in the news, and Newt claims that he was quoted out of context without actually copping to what he said. (As an aside, it's an approach that seems to me to be popular with rank-and-file Republicans, too. I could make my own speculations on it, though I'm not entirely satisfied I understand the psychological appeal. But unless I could cite 100 current prominent Republicans stating explicitly they were using such a device, the Daily Howler would probably think I was being Newt Gingrich, too.) Gingrich's accusation didn't just fall from the sky as a unique comment that existed all on its own with no connection to the poltical moment. Joe Conason recalls that campaign in Big Lies: The Right-Wing Propaganda Machine and How It Distorts the Truth (2003), saying of Gingrich: The former Speaker's rise and fall is a modern epic of spurious moralizing.That is the context in which Gingrich made the comment which Somerby used to suggest that Digby was doing the same in the post in question. Conason goes on to note that Gingrich's speculation was about as baseless as it gets, in that particular case: Sensational facts about the incident soon emerged that suggested quite the opposite [of Gingrich's vague suggestion that Democrats were somehow responsible]. Smith was neither a feminist nor a welfare mother; she wasn't even a Democrat. She was the stepdaughter of an affluent local stockbroker named Beverly Russell, who also happened to be the county chairman of the Christian Coalition and a member of the South Carolina Republican Party's executive committee. The nephew of a former governor and senator, he was just the kind of wealthy, well-connected gentleman cultivated by politicians like Gingrich. He even sang in the local Methodist Church choir.Digby's speculation, which was clearly several orders of magnitude more cautious than Gingrich's cynical propaganda in 1994, also has a context. In Training Torturers 04/01/10, Digby discusses a disturbing trend she's been following for years, the increasingly routine use by American police of Taser electric shock device, which the European Union considers torture devices. This one involving two policemen who decided that the best way to deal with a 94-pound, 10-year-old who was having a temper tamtrum and was perhaps serious emotionally disturbed in some way was by zapping him with electricity. Digby's point is that personal experience of this kind of violence can validate the use of violence by others, victims and observers alike. This is something that is well established in psychological and sociological research. Even for someone watching one of the popular videos on You Tube of cops Tasering people, they know that what they are looking at in most cases are real videos, including from news reports, of real cops zapping people. This is validating of the use of violence in a way that 100 viewings of a war movie would not be for most people. While this may not be quite as clearly documented as the personal experience of violence and its effects, the burden of proof as far as I'm concerned is on those who would say it doesn't promote violent acting out. If you just read Somerby's column, you might think that Digby was indulging in the same kind of smear Gingrich did in the Susan Smith case. From the above, I would say that both Digby and Gingrich were making speculations about something for which they didn't have specific evidence. Below that sky-high level of generalization, there really is no meaningful comparison between the two. Somerby here presents us with a classic example of false equivalence. Tags: radical right, republican party
Hans Küng on the current crisis with the Pope![]() Ecumenical Christian theologian Hans Küng Ecumenical theologian Hans Küng, who lost his Catholic franchise from a decision of the now-Pope Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, writes about the current crisis over the Catholic Church's handling of priestly sexual abuse cases in Why Celibacy Should Be Abolished NYRblog 04/01/10. Küng is one of the leading living Christian theologians, probably the leading one. So his opinion carries considerable weight in the Christian world. He begins with a formulation that may not reflect his actual argument so well: "The rule that Catholic priests must be celibate is responsible for the crisis in the church." I think it would be a mistake to see ending the celibacy rule as a magic fix for the problem of sexual abuse by priests - and Küng isn't making that argument. As I understand it, the most typical profile of a child molester is a married man with children of his own. But Küng makes some important arguments about the effects of the rule celibacy for priests in the Catholic church today. He writes: Although there is no question that abuse also occurs in families, schools, and youth organizations, as well as in churches that do not have the rule of celibacy, why are there such an extraordinary number of cases specifically in the Catholic church, whose leaders are celibate?And he makes the important point that the celibacy rule contributes in a major way to the shortcomings of the Church hierarchy that creates tremendous pressures to handle scandals like the current ones defensively and in a self-defeating manner: Yet the rule of celibacy, together with papal absolutism and exaggerated clericalism, became one of the pillars of the “Roman system.” Unlike priests in the Eastern churches, the celibate clergy of the West remain completely separated from the laity, primarily by abstaining from marriage. They constitute a dominant social class of their own, fundamentally superior to ordinary Christians, but completely subordinate to the pope in Rome. The rule of celibacy is the main reason for the catastrophic shortage of priests, the serious neglect of the Eucharist, and the widespread breakdown of pastoral care—a problem that has been papered over by merging parishes into “pastoral units” ministered to by badly overworked priests. [my emphasis]Also in Church-scandal news, Maureen Dowd is starting to seriously creep me out. She's now done three columns on the Church scandal, all of them using it for cutesy word plays, the latest being Devil of a Scandal New York Times 04/03/10. As I said before, it trivializes both the real harm done to the victims and the serious issues of responsibility that the Church is confronting to treat it this way. Exceptionally bad taste on her part. (I would also avoid using the term "tragic death of six million Jews" to describe the Holocaust; "tragic death" implies that Fate or a traffic accident or something was responsible.) Melinda Henneberger in About That Vast Anti-Catholic Conspiracy ... Politics Daily 04/05/10, doesn't display the exceptionally bad taste as MoDo, but her judgment is about as tacky. The Church scandal makes her think of, uh, Bill and Hillary Clinton and the Monica Lewinsky scandal. Bob "the Daily Howler" Somerby is very right about our sad press corps and and Lewinsky: they can't stop loving her. The Jesuit magazine America has a worthwhile piece by Thomas Meese, Taking Responsibility: What can Europe learn from the U.S. sexual abuse crisis? 04/12/10 edition (accessed 04/02/10). America also has an editorial on the current controversy, The Millstone 04/12/10 edition (accessed 04/05/10). Tags: catholic church,, hans küng
Sunday, April 04, 2010
Racism, political violence and false equivalencies (3)![]() Bob Somerby, aka, The Daily Howler Bob "The Daily Howler" Somerby has been having an online dialogue with Digby over the last week. In his March 29 column, he chided Dibgy for quoting with approval from this column by Frank Rich, Word from Hullabaloo 03/28/10. Somerby's comment was: Yesterday, Digby praised Rich’s wonderful thinking; she highlighted the very part of his column we ourselves found to be most pathetic. But matters of race drive white liberals mad. Every IQ point flies from their heads until they have suitably rendered.Rich is certainly not as careful as he might be, as Somerby himself as ably pointed out on more than one occasion. But Rich in that column cited a number of instances of extremist rhetoric from the Tea Party movement, including ones he took to be evidence of white racism. He posed the question: Are these [Republican] politicians so frightened of offending anyone in the Tea Party-Glenn Beck base that they would rather fall silent than call out its extremist elements and their enablers? Seemingly so, and if G.O.P. leaders of all stripes, from Romney to Mitch McConnell to Olympia Snowe to Lindsey Graham, are afraid of these forces, that’s the strongest possible indicator that the rest of us have reason to fear them too.Although Digby's indicated that she was in general agreement with what she quoted from Rich, including that paragraph, and that she thought his column as a whole was good,her comment was: It's more likely that they don't but fear them but find them useful, which is even more irresponsible.Just what is it that Somerby doesn't agree with about what Rich and Digby have said? The Democrats and regular citizens can't just ignore what the Republicans are saying, either those in Congress, those on the (unofficial by actual) Party network FOX News, or those in the Tea Party to which major Party leaders like Sarah Palin is catering and which the Republicans are heavily supporting backdoor through groups like Dick Armey's Freedom Works front group. And, what the bleep? The FBI just arrested an aspiring far-right Christian terrorist group for plotting a mass murder of cops. This after a year of increasingly hysterical and unhinged extremist talk and agitation from many of those Republican sources. And a year of multiple killings by far-right extremists. Are we just supposed to disregard all this? From some of the comments he's made, Somerby would likely respond that he just wants liberals to be smart and accurate in the way they address it. But, as I said in the first post in this series, I'm beginning to wonder if there is any way liberals can criticize white racism, point to Republicans promoting demonstrable falsehoods, and warn of the dangers of far-right extremism and violence, that would meet Somerby's approval. Obviously, people need to be savvy and careful in how they approach it. But it would be foolish for Democrats or any serious political analysts to ignore what's happening in front of our faces. Tags: radical right, republican party
Friday, April 02, 2010
A FOX Democrat looks at the Tea Party, decides it's just a bunch of nice Real AmericansJuan Williams provides for the upteenth time an example of what a FOX Democrat is. In Tea Party Anger Reflects Mainstream Concerns Wall Street Journal 04/02/10, he tells us that it would be very naughty to even suggest that these nice pleasant Tea Partiers are anything but true-blue citizens deeply preoccupied with mainstream concerns.I normally don't repeat quotes in successive posts. But it's pretty striking that Karl Rove in the same newspaper, in a piece which unfortunately is behind subscription, wrote yesterday: A small fraction of the tea partiers' leadership are ambitious individuals who haven't been able to hold office in either the GOP or Democratic Party. Some are from fringe groups like the John Birch Society or the remnants of the LaRouchies. Others see the tea party movement as a recruiting pool for volunteers for Ron Paul's next presidential bid.But Juan Williams, one of FOX News' house imitations of a liberal, writes: It is a fact that the tea party is an overwhelmingly older, white and suburban crowd. It is true that Republicans in Congress are almost completely white. And it is also true, according to some black and gay Democrats, that a tea party rally against health-care reform at the Capitol degenerated into ugly scenes in which racial and homophobic epithets were used and spit flew on some members of Congress. There are suspicions that tea party anger boiled over into the spate of personal threats against Democrats who voted for the health-care bill.Yeah, it's a bunch of mean, pissed-off white people whose rhetoric might encourage far-right groups to get violent, and maybe somebody had political motives to attack Democratic offices over the same weekend. And maybe even some of these nice white folks were using "racial and homophobic epithets", I mean, that is "according to some black and gay Democrats", if you can believe people like that. But if no Real American white people say they saw or heard it, how can we really take that seriously? This Williams guy is a real piece of work. He cites a few polls about this and that. Evidently, he missed the ones showing those who identify as Tea Party supporters are overwhelmingly Republican and overwhelmingly conservative. Farther down in the article, he cites some suggestive poll data: Where race comes into this picture of American political discontent is that a majority of whites, 52% according to a Gallup poll last month, say they see health-care reform as helping the poor, and that means lots of racial minorities. Only 20% of whites said the health-care reform will help their families. Majorities of Blacks and Hispanics, however, see the bill as helping their families.There's a "racial divide" over the health-care issue but it has nothing to do with white racism, oh no! And it's just coincidence, or bad luck, or "poor life choices" reflected in the drastically higher unemployment figures for African-Americans. But, he says, "it is insulting to all voters to suggest that criticism of President Obama, even by people who want to throw him out of office, is motivated by racism." I wonder if the Daily Howler will descend on Williams for failing to cite an example of anyone who says that "criticism of President Obama" in general "is motivated by racism", as opposed to saying some of the most bitter criticism from angry white people is due in part to white racism. This is kind of a cryptic observation: Putting a racial lens on the tea party activists may also help Democrats by painting congressional Republicans into a corner as debate begins on immigration reform. Hispanic voters are going to be looking at Republicans and their tea party supporters for evidence of racism in any effort to block reform.You know, those Democrats, pandering to racial minorities at the expense of good, hard-working white folks who you can't accuse of racism just on the say-so of, well, "some black and gay Democrats." Williams doesn't share with us what any of those polls say about Tea Partiers' opinions about immigration reform or Latinos. I'm guessing, though, that if Gallup comes up with a study that says some large majority of those identifying with the Tea Party movement think immigrants are a bunch of mooching, criminal, drug-dealing "wetbacks", he will explain to us that it would be very condescending and politically foolish for any Democrats to suggest out loud that white racism might have anything to do with. After all, we elected a black President in 2008, didn't we? That proves we don't have a race problem in America any more. Except for, you know, all those blacks and Latinos who hate white people and just don't want to "git over it". Tags: radical right, white racism
Racism, political violence and false equivalencies (2)Bob "the Daily Howler" Somerby has been griping for a while about how liberal commentators, especially on TV, often play into conservative stereotypes of condescending liberals snobs when they talk about white racism in politics.But I'm beginning to wonder if there is any way someone could criticize white racism in American society and politics that would meet his standards. I even wonder if he thinks white racism is a significant problem, though he occasionally makes remarks suggesting that he does. I hope one of these days he actually gives his own view of the nature of the problem and examples of critical analysis of it which meet his approval. In his Howler column for March 30, he takes Colbert King and Frank Rich to task for talking about white racism in the Tea Party movement. Somerby writes: For ourselves, we aren't inclined to agree with the Tea Party crowd. We don’t share their views about health reform. In a new poll, only 15 percent of Tea Party folk self-identify as Democrats; we vote for the Dems every time. We wouldn’t want to rally alongside a sign which semi-recommended the use of a Browning. On the other hand, anti-war rallies of this past decade featured dumb signs too.The fact that those complaints pretty much mirror the kind of grievances we've been hearing from whiny white people since the Wallace movement of the 1960s doesn't mean they're wrong. But it does leave me not knowing where he differs with the whiny white folks on recognizing and dealing with white racism. The Colbert column which he criticizes is In the faces of Tea Party shouters, images of hate and history Washington Post 03/27/10. I've become enough of a disciple of the Howler's media criticism to appreciate his close reading of news reports and columns to see if the empirical basis for the reports and judgments is identifiable. Somerby makes a good point that relying on the slogans and images on signs can be misleading when trying to understand a particular protest. But that doesn't mean you shouldn't look at the signs! Because they aren't irrelevant, either. If you see a sign at an antiwar march or rally saying, "War is beautiful!", it's probably a reasonable assumption that could be easily verified that the sign belongs to a counter-demonstrator. Police usually manage to figure out a way to separate opposing demonstrators from each other. (An infamous instance in which police failed to do so was in Germany on June 2, 1967 in Berlin at an anti-Shah demonstration in Berlin; the reverberations from that event were still a major news topic in 2009.) And if you ever see a labor union march, you generally don't see signs saying "Lower wages! Workers are lazy! Unions are evil!" Because unions generally know how to organize marches, which means among other things having the protest equivalent of parade marshals to regulate what signs appear and to guard against disruptions. (Full disclosure: I was once upon a time trained in Alinsky methods of organizing by the United Farm Workers labor union, including by at least one person who as I recall had worked directly with Alinsky himself.) In other words, I've been at enough demonstrations - and organized a few myself - to know that if you're present at such an event, you can generally tell if the organizers consider a particular contingent of demonstrators as acting within what the organizers see as the parameters of the acceptable. For instance, that video of the event in which brave Karl Rove became too frightened to stay around and sign copies of his book Courage and Consequences: My Life as a Conservative in the Fight because of the fearsome presence of a scary Code Pink mob, shows protesters, at least one of them holding a sign. See if you have a hard time telling whether the Code Pink members who express themselves are likely to be in solidarity with most of the people attending the event and vice versa: If we're going to adhere to the most strict principles of Somerby-ist empiricism, we would have to conclude that we don't know if the vast majority of the audience were sympathizers of Code Pink or not. But anyone who's ever been to any similar public event will consider it a no-brainer to make a reasonable guess. King has this to say about the Tea Party movement, and Somerby considers at least part of this passage objectionable: Tea Party members, as with their forerunners who showed up at the University of Alabama and Central High School, behave as they do because they have been culturally conditioned to believe they are entitled to do whatever they want, and to whomever they want, because they are the "real Americans," while all who don't think or look like them are not.Now, the Tea Party movement didn't spring full-grown from the brow of Glenn Beck yesterday. FOX News and other Republican front groups began organizing it early last year. And I've followed it since then. I've seen reports of their demonstrations including the mob scenes at the Congressional town hall meeting last August, I've read some of the things their defenders and critics say about them, I've paid attention to what people like Dave Neiwert who are actually knowledgeable about far-right politics have had to say about them, I've seen reports of leading members of the movement expressing their opinions as well as rank-and-file participants, I've heard the kind of rhetoric they use and the kinds of issues they emphasize. And I wouldn't say from what I've seen, heard and read that Colbert King's description of the most vocal Tea Party activists that I just quoted is accurate. And you certainly don't have to assume that every sign that appears somewhere around one of their rallies that everyone that identifies with the Tea Party movement agrees with that particular sign to come to that conclusion. Now, maybe this makes me a liberal snob who is bigoted against whiny white people, by the Howler's standards. Or, it could be based on my actual judgment shaped by my knowledge and study and experience in politics, including giving particular attention to far-right movements in US history. It probably is influenced in some way by having grown up in a small town in rural Mississippi that in some ways still feels the effects to this day of the lynch-murder of two 14-year-old African-American boys in 1942. And by being in high school when the full racial integration of the schools in Mississippi finally occurred. And by having heard a lot of white people express a wide variety of attitudes on racial issues, from overt racists to white people who were very actively involved in the civil rights movement in Mississippi, and a lot in between. What I do see based on my understanding and judgment is that the Tea Party movement, whatever it's redeeming features may be in some Grand Scheme of Things that Somerby sees and I don't, is promoting some of the most toxic political ideas and attitudes in American society, including white racism. Digby also points us to that notorious liberal snob Karl Rove saying the following about the salt-of-the-earth Tea Party movement in a Wall Street Journal editorial: A small fraction of the tea partiers' leadership are ambitious individuals who haven't been able to hold office in either the GOP or Democratic Party. Some are from fringe groups like the John Birch Society or the remnants of the LaRouchies. Others see the tea party movement as a recruiting pool for volunteers for Ron Paul's next presidential bid.Damn those libruls like Karl Rove, lookin' down their noses at reglur white folks and callin' 'em names! It's this kind of librul arrogance that drives people to burn crosses on black people's lawns and shoot abortion providers in the head at church! How long can Real Amurcans put up with snotty libruls like Rove? Tags: radical right, white racism
Thursday, April 01, 2010
Offshore drilling decision: a sad patternJoe Conason explain in Offshore drilling: Did Rahm Emanuel sell out too soon? Salon 04/01/10:With President Obama's announcement that he will reopen offshore drilling, in the absence of any reciprocal commitment from Republicans to support carbon caps and alternative energy development, there is now an unmistakable pattern of White House strategy. The drilling decision recapitulates the administration's botched approach to healthcare reform, a tactical style that could most accurately be described as "surrender, then negotiate." [my emphasis]He gives Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel particular credit for this dubious approach which, as he notes, helped make a mess on the health care reform battle. Conason describes some of the seemingly painfully obvious drawbacks of that negotiating strategy: But whatever Emanuel's personal opinions, his irrepressible habit of cultivating Republicans while insulting Democrats is not only bad strategy but bad politics. It is a misguided way to negotiate, as the health reform fiasco demonstrated, because forcing the other side to earn concessions is obviously smarter than giving them away at the outset. It is no way to maintain political support (and win elections), because this kind of behavior demoralizes the party base and makes the leader seem weak and unprincipled. [my emphasis]Tags: obama administration, rahm emanuel
Racism, political violence and false equivalencies (1)White racism is a real problem in the United States today. So is violence in general, with political violence a particular subset of that. We need to understand both problems as realistically as possible.White racists are normally not straightforward when talking to the press or, often, even in private when they're talking to the kind of person "you can't say n****r around". Racism as such is disreputable and so few people freely describe themselves as such. If white racism were confined to people who are as blunt as the notorious Westbrook Pegler was in 1963, in the article from the John Birch Society magazine which I quoted in a post last November, in which Pegler declared, "As to whether I am a racist ... yes, I am.". In a weirdly ironic way, conscientious opponents of racism may be more likely to describe themselves explicitly as racist, meaning it in a confessional sense of recognizing their own racial prejudices. Most devotees of the real thing speak in what are often called "codewords". This may be a misleading term, because the fact that some appeals aren't explicit doesn't mean people can't understand them. Domestic political violence in the United States, especially the lethal kind, has been primarily a practice of far-right groups for the last 20 years. By any half-sensible measure, Islamists are also rightwing - theocracy and the subordination of women are generally not "left" goals. When it comes down to individual cases, each one is unique, of course. And Islamist radicals operate from very different premises than Christian or secular far-right terror groups. But to pretend that political violence and politically-motivated killings are somehow a problem of "both sides do it" is not a realistic view of the current moment. What kind of political and religious speech encourages or incites violence can be a tricky thing to determine. But tricky doesn't mean impossible. And with some experience and good judgment, it's really not that hard to make distinctions. If someone tells you, "You're a jerk", you would understand that as a insult and might get angry about it. How angry would depend on the person or the context. But if someone says to you, "You're a jerk and a liar and a thief and a rotten cheating scumbag and your mother is UGLY", no one is likely to have problems understanding that the second version expresses a much higher degree of anger, provocation and in-your-face hostility. The question of legal liability is a related but distinct issue. Generally, American law allows people when talking about most things, and especially about politics and politicians, to say pretty much any durn fool thing they want. Illegal speech is pretty narrowly defined. It's illegal to threaten to kill someone, for instance. If you fantasize aloud in a public place that the President out to be killed, you might get a visit from the Secret Service. It's not legal to plot with your militia buddies to kill a bunch of cops, as the Hutaree Militia is charged with plotting. The effects of speech and actions are obviously partially a function of the influence, authority and credibility of those speaking and acting. When it comes to political violence, a mayor or a minister is likely to have more influence when they make public statements than what your old high school buddy says in a bar after his fifth beer. I don't have a problem with a little disorder. Ordinary political speeches shouldn't be treated like a reverent church service. If politicians can't deal constructively with a few boos or hisses in the crowd, they probably should not be in politics. Look at those noisy debate from the British House of Commons that C-Span sometimes carries. Completely shouting down a speaker is generally a pretty tacky approach and is an aggressive and provocative approach. But I wouldn't say that such a thing is always and everywhere wrong, either. I notice that Karl Rove fled from a book-promotion presentation a few days ago in Beverly Hills when the very scary meanies from Code Pink showed up and started interrupting during the event. TPM has a news report and video: Karl Rove Forced [sic!] Off Stage In CA By Code Pink Protesters by Eric Lach 03/30/10. I just can't get too upset about that particular event. For one thing, I've seen Code Pink's approach to protesting, which is to have individuals stand up in sequence and make a point, after which they're normally lead out of the crowd. It's annoying and it's meant to be. But brave Karl Rove is the first one I've ever heard fleeing in terror from the Code Pink mob. (A mob apparently consisted of three or four nonviolent, unarmed protesters.) The title of his book he was promoting there is Courage and Consequences. As the video shows, before fleeing the scary Code Pink ladies, Rove whined a bit about the "totalitarianism of the left". And he probably scored some points with some people for that. In-your-face protest polarizes people, which is why anyone staging such a protest needs to think carefully about how they approach it. But the only way not to provoke opposition is not to do anything - and opposition may chase you anyway! From the video from the TPM report, Rove finished his speech and then skedaddled before signing any books. What, was he afraid someone was going to ask him to sign a book with, "I'm a corrupt creep?" I don't have any trouble distinguishing between the Code Pink protest and last summer Tea Party mob scenes where the protesters were simply there to literally shout down the speaker and intimidate members of the audience at Congressional town hall meetings. The distinction is clear enough to me. I'm not big fan of recently-minted Arlen Specter. But I saw a video of him dealing with Tea Party protesters, and the contrast with what the TPM video shows of whiny Karl Rove, Specter insisted that a particular disruptor be ejected from the meeting eventually. But first he engaged the protester directly and engaged his issues, very importantly showing that he wasn't going to be intimidated but at the same time could recognize the legitimate concerns of even a protester who was misbehaving to the point of having to be removed from the room. And, anyway, today's Republicans don't give a damn what I think of the Tea Party mobs. And they're going to whine about the "totalitarianism of the left" whether Karl Rove is confronted by rude protesters or not, and whether it makes a lick of sense or not. But to pretend in the present environment that the current problems of political violence is coming equally from "both sides" is a way of minimizing the problem of far-right violence. For an example, see Dave Neiwert reporting and analysis in Bill O'Reilly denounces the hate -- but wants to pretend it's the same on both sides Crooks and Liars 03/31/10. Tags: radical right, republican party
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