Friday, June 02, 2006

More war crimes news

From BBC News US probes new Iraq massacre claim 06/02/06:

The US military has told the BBC it is investigating an incident in which 11 Iraqi civilians may have been deliberately killed by US troops.

Video footage obtained by the BBC appears to challenge the US account of events in the town of Ishaqi in March.

The US said at the time that four people died during a raid, but Iraqi police said 11 were shot by US troops.

The video evidence comes in the wake of the alleged massacre by US marines of up to 24 Iraqi civilians in Haditha.

The troops are also suspected of covering up the deaths in November 2005.
In looking at atrocity stories like this, it's important to keep two things in mind. One is that there are laws of war and rules of engagement that are there for extremely good reasons. When soldiers go off the tracks and torture or murder people in the course of war, those are war crimes and have to be treated as such.

The other is that certain conditions are more likely to produce war crimes than others. It's important to take that into account in looking at these reports. And to do so without making that an excuse or alibi for war criminals. Those who make alibis and excuses, whether because they support the war crimes or because of sympathy for the situation of the soldiers, are doing an enormous disservice to all those soldiers who serve in the same conditions without committing such crimes.

Psyciatrist Robert Jay Lifton is unusally familiar with war crimes, having done a study of the My Lai massacre during the Vietnam War. Without making alibis for criminals, he discussed the Iraq War's Conditions of Atrocity two years ago in relation to the Abu Ghuraib revelations in The Nation 05/13/04 (05/31/06 issue):

The Iraq military environment is quite different from that of Vietnam, but there are some striking parallels. Iraq is also a counterinsurgency war in which US soldiers, despite their extraordinary firepower, feel extremely vulnerable in a hostile environment, and in which higher-ranking officers and war planners feel frustrated by the great difficulty of tracking down or even recognizing the enemy. The exaggerated focus on interrogation, including the humiliation of detainees as a "softening-up" process, reflects that frustration.

We can thus speak of a three-tier dynamic. Foot soldiers - in this case MPs and civilian contractors - do the dirty work, as either orchestrated or at least sanctioned by military intelligence officers in charge of interrogation procedures. The latter in turn act on pressure from higher-ups to extract information that will identify "insurgents" and possibly lead to hidden weapons.

What ultimately drives the dynamic is an ideological vision that equates Iraqi fighters with "terrorists" and seeks to further justify the invasion. All this is part of the amorphous, even apocalyptic, "war on terrorism," as is the practice of denying the human rights of detainees labeled as terrorists, a further stimulus for abuse. Grotesque improvisations can occur at different levels - whether in the form of interrogators' ideas about inflicting sexual humiliation or in foot soldiers' methods of carrying out those instructions or responding to more indirect messages from above.

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